Expulsion from the Special Forces, Syria with the FSA, a truck loaded with explosives and an arms company in Ukraine. Could Nuri Gökhan Bozkır’s dark past be the key to many secrets?
He graduated from the Army War Academy in 1996.
For many years he served as a team commander in the Special Forces.
He was tried on charges of military espionage for secretly recording Unconventional Warfare lessons, among the most confidential subjects of the Special Forces.
In 2005 he was tried in the “Sauna Gang” and “Küre Operations” cases, which also involved some police officers and soldiers, and was dismissed from the profession.
In the first years of the Syrian civil war he acted together with FSA commanders and took part in training the units that would fight Assad.
In 2015 he was caught, together with a first lieutenant who was a secret witness in the MİT trucks case, with an onion truck loaded with explosives. After this incident it emerged that he owned DNS Defence, a defence company operating in Kyrgyzstan that sold weapons, bombs and explosives.
He must have been warned of, or sensed, what was coming, for years ago he went to Ukraine. While he was living in Ukraine, a red notice was issued for him because he was the prime murder suspect in the killing of the academic Assoc. Prof. Dr. Necip Hablemitoğlu.
During his time in Ukraine he made several statements to the press, publishing pictures and giving statements about arms sales between the Turkish government and ISIS…

Nuri Gökhan Bozkır… The Prototype of the Deep State…
It is obvious that he has a very long record. But carrying out so many activities without support or a protective shield over him is hardly possible in today’s conditions. It is worth looking in detail at the crimes attributed to him. For the content of his activities and the way they were carried out give us important clues about his aim and, more importantly, for whom he did these things.
The most sensational of the charges against Nuri Bozkır is the murder of Assoc. Prof. Dr. Necip Hablemitoğlu. Although there is no final court ruling against him, there are serious allegations and evidence that he committed the murder. He was not caught after the incident, and it was alleged that the file had been covered up. If he is the perpetrator, it is quite normal that he was not caught at the scene. Considering his training and the conditions of the period, it is no surprise that he was not caught. As a hitman who has left the Special Forces says in an American film: they taught us how not to die (not to be caught), of course after first teaching us how to kill. But his not being caught is not only his success, of course. This file too was thwarted by a hand that has prevented many unsolved murders from being solved. Until the call records (HTS) uncovered 17 years later. The investigation revealed that he had been reconnoitring around Hablemitoğlu’s house until six months before the assassination and that his phone gave a signal from that area on the day of the incident.
Although the Sauna Gang and Küre Operations look like gang structures in content, they are events not to be underestimated in terms of the people they targeted. They blackmailed important names of the period, and secret state information and documents were found in their safes. It was even alleged at the time that the gang’s aim was to prepare for a coup.
His fighting against Assad in Syria and training FSA militants must be assessed together with his carrying weapons into Syria in onion trucks. Although some organisations have tried this, there is only one structure that has carried out these activities openly and brazenly. And this structure is experienced enough not to let anyone live who has been involved in its criminal partnerships and might later expose them. When we consider that Heysem Topalca, who carried out activities similar to Nuri Bozkır’s, died in a horrific traffic accident in recent years, going abroad may well have saved his life.
Looking at his company in Kyrgyzstan selling weapons, bombs and explosives in this light can also give a clearer picture for understanding his relationships.
Ukraine’s Gift or an MİT Operation?
He is both a soldier and an MİT operative… both a murder suspect and the owner of an international company… both a gang leader and a military spy… both an arms smuggler and a fugitive wanted on a red notice… And now a powerful trump card that Erdoğan will use against the groups he regards as enemies… In other words, an effective weapon he will use against whomever he wants to strike. In addition, with a single statement, he could withdraw all the accusations he made against Erdoğan and MİT.
According to information from the news, he was brought to Turkey by MİT while he was in Ukraine. I do not know whether Ukraine acted carelessly in the rush of a likely war with Russia, or whether this is one of the special gifts Turkey asked for in order to stand by Ukraine. As a result, it is an undeniable fact that it is an important opportunity for Erdoğan to regain strength in domestic politics. I do not know whether this incident will turn into a crisis between the two countries, as in earlier abduction cases. For no country welcomes someone who has sought refuge in it being abducted by the intelligence service of the country he fled. This aspect of the incident does not really matter much. In the end he was caught and is now being put through certain stages so that he signs the statement prepared by MİT. Even if you have had special training against torture, with today’s technology your resistance does not last days. Especially given the fact that MİT uses this technology very effectively and often.
Many sections of society have accepted that the murders of Gaffar Okkan, Bahtiyar Aydın, Hrant Dink and many others like them, and other crimes, were not committed by the organisations that claimed them. All over the world, when one says “deep state”, the following meaning comes to mind: a formation that ensures that many tasks which the state and its institutions cannot officially do, but consider necessary, are carried out illegally and ruthlessly. In our country, however, “deep state” evokes in the eyes of many an illegal structure that constantly stirs up the country, keeps it on edge, makes people enemies of one another by scratching social wounds, steers almost every terrorist organisation in its own country, but, strangely enough, uses them to the detriment of its own citizens.
A Formation Not to Be Underestimated
Nuri Gökhan Bozkır and his like, although they see themselves as the owners of the state, disregard the citizens of this state and their values. Sometimes they try to divide society into Kurds and Turks, sometimes into Alevis and Sunnis; sometimes they achieve their aims by making laws, sometimes even by trampling on the constitution. Sometimes it has its existence denied, sometimes it insists on being talked about in order to frighten. But whatever happens, it is a structure not to be underestimated: very powerful and organised, with a solid hierarchy and a very rich trained staff.
When in trouble, they do not hesitate to sacrifice even those who work for them, even the operatives they trained themselves. Although their methods vary, the best-known and most frequently used are traffic accidents, heart attacks, suicide and disappearance. I do not know whether any of the suspects caught so far has passed the trial stage and served time in prison. For they do not even risk their names and deeds being spoken in courtrooms. Recently such an opportunity arose for some key names, but some walked out of court scot-free thanks to the structure’s protection, while others tasted the cold face of death. I cannot know when such an opportunity will arise again. However, if he does not fall victim to a heart attack or hang himself in prison, Nuri Gökhan Bozkır is a profile poised to become the black box of the deep state and to shed light on many unsolved incidents. As is well known, famous defendants who confess their crimes in our country, strangely enough, do not live long in prison. What can we say: may God grant Nuri Gökhan Bozkır a long life, so that at least in the future we may have the chance to learn the truth.
The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect PUGAT’s institutional position. Editorial Principles
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