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Roughly one in three people in Germany has a migration background. At the decision-making table the share falls to one in eight in the Bundestag and below three per cent among mayors of large cities. Still, 2026 marked a symbolic threshold. Cem Özdemir became the first state premier with a migration background, and in Berlin Elif Eralp is close to the same office.
Membership won with blood shed in Korea, missiles bargained over in the Cuban crisis, embargoes and the S-400. Turkey’s NATO journey is a story of trust and suspicion spanning more than seventy years.
When the Soviet Union collapsed, NATO lost its enemy. The alliance redefined itself through new missions stretching from the Balkans to Afghanistan and through eastward enlargement, while relations with Russia swung from partnership to confrontation.
For forty years Europe was divided between two armed blocs, yet the great war never broke out. NATO’s role in the Cold War lies in the logic of deterrence that created this strange balance.
A physicist who carried the secrets of the atomic bomb to Moscow, promises made at Yalta and a city fed from the air for months. Within four years, yesterday’s allies split into two camps and NATO was born.
One in every three cases awaiting judgment in Strasbourg is against Turkey. Even when judgments go unimplemented, an application to the ECtHR puts the violation on permanent record, and that record becomes the basis for holding the state to account, if not today, then tomorrow.
As the squares narrowed, opposition moved to the screen; now the screen is narrowing too. Article 8/A of Law No. 5651, the criminal judgeships of peace and the compliance of platforms are building a new order of censorship in the digital sphere.
After the school attack in Kahramanmaraş, people spoke of “Americanisation”. Yet similar tragedies have happened in Europe too, from Finland to Austria; the common mechanism is often a licensed gun at home.
Cyberbullying is no longer a debate about screen time but a public health issue. The EU’s new action plan aims to establish online dignity, privacy and safety as fundamental rights.
From the outside the SDF may look like a homogeneous structure, but it is a fragile coalition resting on Arab tribes. At a time when US support is weakening and power has changed hands in Damascus, this alliance is unravelling.
The clash with an ISIS cell in Yalova shook the perception that “the organisation is no longer effective”. Having lost territory, ISIS is in a phase of “strategic patience” with silent, localised cells; the real question is when, and to whose benefit, these cells are set in motion.
Fatih Altaylı’s 1997 interview with Öcalan was published 28 years later. The leader who said “I will not touch Turkey’s borders” turned, on İmralı, into a theorist of stateless democracy: contradiction or strategic evolution?
Among the Eastern Jews who emigrated to Israel from the Middle East, the Kurdish Jews were a small community with a large influence. The regional knowledge they brought from the mountains left a lasting mark on Israel’s security thinking and its relationship with the Kurds.
Israeli politics is usually discussed along the axes of right and left, religious and secular; yet there is a third axis that deeply affects security policy: the social and political weight of Mizrahi Jews.
The Ashkenazi cadre of the newly founded Israel was a stranger to the Arab world. Mizrahi Jews who spoke Arabic as their mother tongue became intelligence’s most valuable resource, but at the price of having their identity instrumentalised.
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